Posted at 11.20.2018
Having come to a new country sooner or later in their life, migrants of the first technology become people of a new society, having with them their own record, memories and id. Migrants of Turkish descent make up the largest group of foreigners in Germany, while Germany continues to be only on the brink of acknowledging its status as a country of immigration. Facing a situation where this band of migrants has reached the third era, this paper discusses the individuality of Turkish migrants in Germany and shows that there is a shift in id between the first and the second generation. Furthermore the concept of Heimat is being discussed, in order to identify whether the notion of a homeland, being in the country of descent or in the new location, changes between your generations.
Both ideas will be applied to the movie "Almanya - Willkommen in Deutschland" that tells the story of your three-generation category of Turks in Germany.
Keywords: Migration - Id - Decades - Heimat - Cognitive Dissonance
1. Benefits 2
2. Identity engineering and the idea of Heimat 3
2. 1 Personal information construction 3
2. 2 The idea of Heimat 5
2. 3 Migrant Identity in Germany 7
3. Record of German Immigration 9
4. Almanya - Willkommen in Deutschland: Movie Evaluation 13
4. 1 Conclusion 13
4. 2 History of the movie 13
4. 3 Identification and Heimat in Almanya - Willkommen in Deutschland 14
4. 3. 1 Cognitive dissonance in migrant's individuality 14
4. 3. 2 The idea of Heimat 15
5. Final result 17
6. Bibliography 18
In Germany, "the multicultural methodology  has failed, utterly". This quote by German chancellor Angela Merkel just lately has been dominating among conversations about migration and variety in Germany. With that said during a speech on October 16, 2010, she was directing out that Germany has been "kidding itself " to think that the workers asked in the 1960s would eventually leave again, yet they are actually permanently moving into the united states. She was thus addressing the anxieties of 30% of the German human population that see their country "overrun" by foreigners.
With the opening of the work market to personnel from the ten member areas that joined the European Union in 2004, on May 1, 2011, Germany is now facing a new wave of immigrants, dominantly by Polish workers. The Institute of German Economy estimates that about 800. 000 Polish migrants will come to Germany over the two arriving years.
Still it remains the Turkish human population which makes up Germany's biggest band of migrants. Having come to Germany mainly after the 1960s, nowadays there are over 1. 65 million Turkish migrants living in Germany. An enormous proportion are still the migrants of the first era, the second and third generation German-Turks are growing in amounts, nurturing the question whether they see themselves as Turks or Germans.
Within the scope of this paper it'll be discussed whether there's a move in the id of these migrants; whether there's a different personal information within the first technology Turks instead of the second era. Furthermore it'll be seen in how far the concept of "Heimat " changes in line with the generations. Discourse analysis is being used to theorize personal information and the idea of Heimat, accompanied by an introduction to German immigration history, in order to clarify the difficulties and the biased situation of the German people towards migration. The application of these theories will be done achieved a movie analysis of the movie "Almanya - Willkommen in Deutschland".
In order to eventually begin from the hypothesis that there is a switch of identification between first and second era migrants, one should be aware of how identity has been built. Samuel Huntington referred to it as: "a product of self-consciousness, i or we have distinct qualities as an entity that differentiates me from you and us from them". With identification being looking for self-consciousness, it isn't something that every specific has as a fixed feature from beginning to death. Personal information only makes being once an individual is aware of itself and its features and characteristics.
Identity is engineering, as Huntington sets it: we "are what we should think were and what we want to be". It is shaped against "the other" and by defining what "they" are, one can find one's own personal information to determine who the "I" is. So long as someone is not aware of a certain feature of its id, it isn't part from it. Features only become id once one knows them. Identity is composed by "Images of personality and distinctiveness performed and projected by an actor and developed (and modified over time) through relationships with significant others".
This identity that a person takes on can change over time. If a person confirms itself in a fresh situation, where a tension between the surroundings and its own identity appears, it might are affected cognitive dissonance. Cognitive dissonance here refers to a issue that looks by the clash of two different or even conflicting identities and kept beliefs. To relieve this tension, the average person must try to alleviate situation, by changing its surroundings or by redefining itself.
In a specific migrant situation, this identifies the migrant finding himself in the new environment, the new country. Being from some other cultural, political, sociable or national background, there are normally some areas of life in which the identity of the migrant and this of the "native" group, thus the already existing society of the united states, clash. In order to relieve this stress, the migrant can either thought we would isolate himself from the population or, over time, achieve to redefine his personality in order to squeeze in with his new surroundings.
There is not only the identity of an individual, but also teams have an id. Individuals find and redefine their identity in groups. Person may participate many groups and so able to switch identity.
How the "others" understand an individual is crucial to the individual's individuality formation. If an organization ascribes certain characteristics to an individual, it is likely that it requires of these characteristics and makes them part of its identification. In the case of migrants this can be seen in marginalization. In case the native population of an country perceives a migrant or a complete band of migrants as substandard and/or marginalized, chances are because of this group to start thinking about themselves as marginalized. The situation then changes for the worse, if the migrant gets control this idea of being marginalized and reacts by emphasizing this difference as part of his id.
Another distinctive trace of personal information is that one can only undertake an id if the users of the group that already have this personal information agree. A migrant can thus only become of his sponsor contemporary society if the contemporary society is willing to not marginalize him but integrate him into culture.
An individual usually has several identities, being described by the individual situation it finds itself in. These identities can be territorial, politics, cultural, national, etc. This also depends on the basis of which the id is formed. Personal information can be ascribed, discussing features of the individual such as age group, ancestry, gender, ethnicity or contest. An individual's ethnical identity is usually identified by its affiliation with a tribe, a nationality or a words. Political individuality on the other palm is formed by the individuals owned by a certain faction, interest group or connection to a certain innovator. Social identification is described by whom the average person socializes with, its friends, acquaintances and family.
There are a lot more of these different identities that could be named, yet each of them lead to the same bottom line: every person has multiple identities, each of which become more unique with regards to the situation an individual is.
Migrants approaching to a new country leave their physical home to move to another, new geographical home. The absence of the "old" home may oftentimes leave to homesickness, yet this is mostly induced not by the physical shift of home but by the change in relationships and area. The question may be asked, from what degree this is linked with the geographic location, but it must also be resolved in how war the feelings of being at home are reliant on associations with others.
In her publication "(Be)coming home, Helen Hayes furthermore increases another question: is this "desire for home regressive and nostalgic, or did it also be creative and future-oriented" ? It's usually only by giving their host to origin an individual becomes alert to its home, it is a paradox that "only through transience and displacement the particular one achieves an ultimate sense of belonging".
Whilst looking for their new devote the host society, migrants might run the risk of over-identifying with their particular role and life circumstances that they had encountered back in their Heimat, creating a predicament where they may be stuck at a fixed point of your energy, place and id. This inhibits them from renewing their identification and from changing it in a way that would make sure they are feel at ease in the new home.
"Coming to home is to have a definitive response to the question of where, and who, our company is, which won't admit of change, of the probability that where home is, and who we are, is endlessly at the mercy of question".
Homesickness is thus a manifestation of the migrant's need to be back in the known world, to be back in a life they recognized, where these were not in parting from the primary society, but ingested in the modern culture they are used to. "Home is the source of primary individuality  because home is the locus of personal, culture and owed".
Migrants are therefore confronted with the have difficulty of homesickness and the challenge to attain a sense to be home in the middle of all uncertainties and mysterious surroundings of their new home. They are, especially at the beginning, trapped between the multiple meanings of home.
"On the one hand, 'home' is a mythic host to desire in the diasporic creativity. In this sense it is a location of no go back, even if it's possible to visit the geographical place that is seen as the place of 'source'. On the other hand, home is also the lived connection with a locality. . . the differing experience of the aches and pleasures, the terrors and contentments, or the highs and humdrum of day-to-day lived culture".
Heimat isn't just the spot that the migrant has still left, his homeland, but it is currently also the new area, the present point of living. The new home will not offer the relationships and places that the migrant can be used to and familiar with, but rather offers the chance to set-up new relationships. The decision a migrant has to take is whether to find himself in times that Hayes telephone calls the "home as bad faith ", where his life and personality are being focused towards the house of the past, which the truth is often causes separation from the new area, or whether he selects to simply accept the new location as his new home, by redefining his new personality detached from the homeland.
If receiving the last mentioned choice, a migrant reaches the status of "becoming home", where Heimat is no longer the country of this migrant's origin, no longer "a spot of departure, or a retreat from liberty" but "the clarification of one's life purpose". The sensation to be home is then no more mounted on the knowledge of a certain geographic location and the partnership with others. The migrant perceives his purpose of being and doesn't need romance and places to specify his own identification and has found where "one seems that the way you are living is true to one's ultimate sense of purpose in life".
The situation becomes different with second generation migrants. Whereas their parents have lived in the Heimat and also have experienced it for a certain part with their life, second era migrants have usually come to the new country as a child or teen. To them, the sense of the Heimat being found in the united states of descent is much less strong, if existent in any way, as it is for his or her parents. For migrant's children of the next generation that were created in Germany, for the coffee lover the attachment to their country of descent is even less prominent, as they know it only from holiday seasons or their parent's information.
In a report of 2001, undertaken by the Institute of intercultural and international studies in Berlin, more than 100 interviews with Turkish migrants from the first and second technology had been presented in order to look for the feeling of personal information of these migrants. A second study of 2009, by the thoughts and opinions research centre Info was conducted amongst 1000 persons, a third of these being German, Turks in Turkey and Turks in Germany, respectively.
Both studies resulted by exhibiting that there surely is a certain self-image of the Turks in Germany, yet this does not contradict their positive attitude for the German society. 93% believe they have to protect their Turkish culture, yet on their behalf this does not contradict their approval in the German world. 83% think that one can be a good German and a good Muslim at exactly the same time.
The Turkish root base of most respondents were obvious and not refused, yet that they had developed an identity that superseded this own personality, reflecting their situation of life in Germany. Despite the fact that there might be a close link with their or their parent's, home country Turkey, it is often regarded as a distant, unusual country. Nevertheless, there is no "only-German" identity amidst these migrants. "We're Turks, but Germany is becoming 50 % of our home ", is a typical statement that appeared throughout the research. Only 21% see Germany as their "home", whereas 38% describe Germany and Turkey as their house, and 37% see Turkey as their homeland. 42% intend to go back to Turkey one day.
Islam is an essential uniting factor of this migrant group. Of the Germans asked in the study 37% identified themselves as purely or somehow spiritual, Turks in Germany performed so with 64% and of the Turks in Turkey 75% said that these were religious.
Yet there are other personal information and traces of persona that have emerged as common, as opposed to the German "coolness", such as family-orientation, hospitability, spontaneity.
When entering the second era of Turkish migrants, the self-image of the Turks is still present in the identity of these Turks, the feeling of owed, of being a Turk" is disappearing. Young Turks are challenging and questioning the ideals and norms of their parents and recognize their values and traditions, as long as they are compatible with their way of life in Germany.
Nevertheless, the identity of being a German Turk continues to be important to these second era Turks, as they don't yet feel fully included into German modern culture. They are really confronted even more powerful with the inequality that they face in areas such as schooling and job opportunities than their parent or guardian does. 45% feel unwanted in Germany, in support of 54% think that Germans and Turks have the same chances in education.
As due to their research, the creators of the study do not see any risk in this self-image of first and second era migrants, as it will not complicate cohabitation in Germany. You will discover issues that have to be tackled, such as words knowledge, teaching of faith, like there are with any other group of immigrants, but the concern with the delivery of a "Turkish parallel culture" is something the creators see as not justified.
When speaking about the integration of Turkish migrants, their children and grandchildren, one question that generally arises is that of a self-image in this particular group in the society. This question easily activates misunderstandings and fear, as it is obvious that the public track record, lifestyle and the thought of ideals and norms of the migrants will vary to that of the native German society. But generalizing all Turkish migrants into one big group, by ignoring their heterogeneity creates problems, which might lead to the theory that migrant communities and collective identities are not beneficial to their integration.
Germany counts a complete of 6. 69 million foreigners, which equals 8. 7% of the population. Amongst these are 24%, thus 1. 65 million, migrants of Turkish descent in Germany. Of these 6. 69 million foreigners, 1. 31 million (19, 4%) were blessed in Germany, a proportion that becomes over-proportionally high between the Turkish foreign populace, where 33. 3% have been delivered in Germany. These migrants are area of the second and third generation of the German inhabitants holding a overseas citizenship.
When it comes to the German era divided by its migration track record, 15. 6 million folks had a track record of migration in 2008, which equals 19% of the population.
Facing these high numbers of migrant population, it's important to learn that, historically Germany has not been an immigration country, but has only become so after 1945. In the years following end of the next World War, German immigration has been dominated by migrants from the south, entering the united states as work force. Nowadays the composition of the migrant streams has modified, as Germany is becoming Europe's greatest immigration country, receiving immigrants not only from its neighboring countries but also from more distant regions.
German society includes a big amount of first technology immigrant populace, yet, even more importantly, there can be an important small fraction of second-generation migrants.
The background of immigration in Germany can be split into six phases, starting at the end of the next World Battle. In the first 1960s the first migrant streams consisted of displaced folks of German ethnicity that returned into the country from the Eastern neighborhood friends.
A second period can be located from 1955 to 1973, showing a great influx of labor migrants from the Mediterranean countries. This is in large parts due to Germany's dynamic plan of recruiting visitor workers. "The main idea behind this recruitment work was to retain the incredibly strong manufacturing-led progress performance of the German current economic climate despite shortages of manual labor".
In 1960, already about 280. 000 overseas workers were employed in Germany and new contracts to recruit personnel in Spain and Greece were authorized. In 1961 a recruitment contract with Turkey followed. In 1964, Armando Rodrigues joined Germany as the main one millionth guest employee.
Initially the idea was to recruit these employees and also have them voluntarily go back to their home countries after a degree of time spent in Germany, a time period that might be ideally about three years, as mentioned by the minister leader of that time, Hans Filbinger. This assumption was supported by statistical data that implied a relatively high number of voluntary remigration, thus not implying the need for any administrative push. As late just as the planting season of 1973 the national state of Baden-Wјrttemberg stated that:
nach den gegenwrtig vorliegenden Erfahrungen pass away freiwillige Rotation verhltnismig gјnstige Auswirkungen zeigt und auch kјnftig voraussichtlich entsprechende Ergebnisse zu erwarten sind".
Yet this idea ended up being only wishful thinking, as, because of the facilitation of the conditions of house in 1971, increasingly more migrants opt to not go back to their home countries but in which to stay Germany, having their own families pursuing them.
The costs, both social and infrastructural, of immigration to Germany began to reduce the financial gain of their work. Structural problems became obvious when the amount of foreign pupils in German universities increased from 35. 100 in 1965 to 158. 000 in 1970, overstraining the already overcrowded universities. Exactly the same problem made an appearance in the casing sector, where infrastructure could not provide the necessary coverage that was needed to fully connect the areas that immigrants were moving to with all of those other city.
In a 3rd step, with the first petrol crisis in 1973, the insurance policy towards immigration changed. Counting 2. 6 million guest staff, Germany stoops the recruitment of guest workers and immigration was restrained. The problems resulted in a discourse about the expenses and effectiveness of the labor migrants, yet there was also increasing fear amidst the German consumer that feared cultural conflicts. Really the only ways of going into Germany for migrants kept was via family reunification and asylum applications
A fourth period implemented this stop of recruitment, designated by the great increase in family unification.
Der Anwerbestop forderte den Familiennachzug [. . . ] geradezu heraus. Das gilt auch fјr eine Manahme aus dem Jahre 1975, als expire Kindergeldstze fјr auslndische Kinder, die im Heimatland geblieben waren, gekјrzt wurden. Die Statistik zeigt deutlich, wie die Zahl der Zuzјge durch diese beiden Manahmen angestiegen ist".
A fifth period can be located between 1981 and 1990, While before 1981 the debate was mainly centered on means of integration the guest workers that got converted into immigrants, the dialogue now many circled round the question how immigration could be limited and exactly how much more immigration the German modern culture could endure. The previous German chancellor Helmut Schmidt stated on November 11, 1981:
"Die Bundesrepublik soll und will kein Einwanderungsland werden. Einigkeit [. . . ] bestand auch darјber, dass der Zuzug und die Nachfјhrung von Familienangeh¶rigen unter Anwendung aller rechtlichen Mittel im Rahmen des Grundgesetzes gestoppt werden soll [. . . ] ".
In 1983 the "Rјckkehrf¶rderungsgesetz " was being passed as an attempt to resolve the arising problem of immigration, offering migrants financial bonuses to return to their home. It was in large parts initiated because the major elements of immigrant human population, being from Turkish descent, were seen as not capable to be integrated into a traditional western country proclaimed by Christianity. As the initiative might have been welcomed and drawn on by migrants that acquired already prepared to re-migrate, the entire conclusion of the effort was that it possessed failed.
A sixth phase started after 1990, with nov the iron curtain, an increased inflow of individuals from Eastern Europe emerged. A new immigration rules was enforced in 1991, enhancing the situation of immigrants that were already in Germany, yet didn't address the situation of naturalization. Generally, the 1990s confirmed a greater concentrate on asylum politics and the situation of the German resettlers form Eastern Europe, alternatively than on the problem of the guest workers.
In a seventh phase, being the most recent major change in German immigration insurance plan, it was the introduction of the new Immigration Act that proclaimed an important submit German immigrant insurance policy. Whereas the theory of descent (ius sanguinis) possessed determined the descent of immigrants by the descendant of the parents, it was now the release of the birthright that driven the citizenship. This new legislations came together with the first time that Germany officially accepted: "Deutschland ist schon lngst zum Einwanderungsland geworden. "
Children given birth to to migrant parents obtain thus the German citizenship by labor and birth, yet they have to decide between the age of 18 and 23 which citizenship and therefore which passport they would like to keep, the German one or the main one of their parents descendant.
Having now decided that Germany has historically not seen itself as a country of immigration, it becomes evident why the German society is often unwilling to simply accept the rise of the overseas human population. Yet, as mentioned in chapter 2. 1, it is essential for the coordinator society to accept the migrants and their willingness to change their identity in order to accept their new environment. It becomes thus harder for the migrant to relieve the tension produced by cognitive dissonance, as the move of identity cannot be completed.
As Germany is though more and more coming to realize that it has turned into a country with considerable immigration, a situation that is, as mentioned beforehand, likely to increase because of the work force via Poland, it could become easier in the future for it to simply accept the existence of individuals with a migratory record.
The movie tells the story of three years of a family of Turkish descent moving into Germany. The grandfather Hјseyin and his wife Fatma migrated to Germany in 1962, delivering with them their three children Muhamed, Veli and Leyla and a fourth child, Ali, is born in Germany. Also boasting in the movie are the two grandchildren Cenk, boy of Ali, and Canan, princess of Leyla.
The tale is put into two major strands, intermingled by the narrating lady Canan. As the family is at present planning a family visit to Turkey, where Hјseyin has bought a house, Canan tells the story of the family's introduction in Germany, when her grandfather came as the main one millionth and first guest staff member to Germany.
Once departed to Turkey, the trip raises a certain disagreement about the personality of the family and the question of where the Heimat located is ideal for the different generations. Unexpectedly, Hјysein dies on the way to the new house, leading the family into a hard situation for his funeral, as he's not allowed to be officially buried on a Muslim cemetery, credited to his German passport.
In the end, the family results to Germany to wait a gala event that is organised by the German authorities to give thanks to the guest workers, while Muhamed remains back Turkey to refurbish the home his father bought.
The movie was produced by the sisters Yasemin and Nesrin amdereli, both German-Turks, delivered in Germany to parents and great-parents that immigrated into Germany. The movie is within many aspects autobiographical of both sister's life and was a means to allow them to portray the life span of the "normal" and "realistic" family that is not proclaimed by honor killings and forced marriage, as the life of Turkish migrants has been presented in a great many other videos. The sisters explicitly made a humoristic movie to compare the actual fact that films that treat the main topic of migration have to be "tragic".
All three decades in the move show signals of cognitive dissonance. Firstly, the grandparents Hјseyin and Fatma, as they occur to Germany and find everything to vary from Turkey, while not being able to communicate with the host world. Forty years later though, their situation is solved plus they have integrated themselves into culture, by finding a way to adapt their personal information to the German life-style. They still see themselves as "real Turks", yet they were able to integrate parts of the German culture into their personality, exemplified by Hјseyin in the strictness and discipline of Germans, that he used on his children.
This conflicts with the problem that Fatma encounters when aiming to bury Hјseyin in his home community in Turkey, as he, having a German passport, is no longer regarded as a real Turk and can thus not be buried there. The legal position of Hјseyin thus greatly clashes along with his self-defined identity.
The second technology, especially the two sons which were born in Turkey, also offers some difficulties plus they need to redefine who they are in order to match into German culture. From the very masculine dominated population, they both finish up getting divorced using their wives, even though these were from a Turkish migratory background as well. Whereas the gender jobs between Hјseyin and Fatma are almost stereotypically clearly divided, their two sons find themselves troubled by this and have to realize that they have to change their ideas about the role of man and ladies in German population.
As for the third generation, it is the kid Cenk that suffers the largest cognitive dissonance. Being a child and so still along the way of determining his own identification, he is met with two worlds coming alongside one another, Germany and Turkey, and it is not accepted by the other kids in college, neither as a genuine German, nor as a real Turk. Also at home he locates conflicting identities, as his mother Gaby says him that he is "truly" German, knowing the German dialect as a perfect local speaker while having troubles in Turkish. The situation eventually escalates when Cenk bursts out during the family evening meal: "Aber was sind wir den jetzt, Tјrken oder Deutsche" ?
Having resided in Germany for 40 years, Hјseyin and Fatma are well familiarized with the German population and show great skills in the German terms. Nevertheless, Hјseyin repeatedly highlights that their Heimat is not Germany but Anatolia and this their family, even in the 3rd Generation, still has the identity of a real Turkish family.
Their children that were blessed in Turkey, Muhamed, Veli and Leyla, all show a certain amount of connection with Anatolia, as they have observed it in their childhood and thus created memories, relationships and emotional affection. The son Ali on the other hand, having been born and brought up in Germany, will not present this attachment. He has been trained to speak Turkish, which he does not grasp as a fluent terms, on the contrary to his siblings. To Ali, his Heimat is Germany, and Turkey is merely the united states that his parents emigrated from. During the family visit to Turkey he's overly wary of hygiene and discussion with the local population, to a amount that he seems to be integrating himself worse into the new surrounding than his German better half Gaby does.
Despite this lack of emotional attachment to the real country of Turkey though, as his child Cenk raises the question of their family being German or Turkish, Ali immediately replies "Turkish". The id of being a Turk and the proudness to be so has been passed on from his parents to Ali, even though he never actually resided in their country of descent.
Representing the 3rd era, Cenk, Ali's boy, gets asked by his tutor for his Heimat, a question which he answers with "Germany". The educator contests this answer though and asks Cenk for the united states where is grandfather originated from, thus declaring Cenk a Turk because of its migratory background rather than watching Cenk's own sense of identity, which is that of a German pupil.
In Realization, the movie manages to address the problem of Turkish migrants in Germany in a manner that no other movie has done up to now. It concentrates not only on the problematic aspects and the thought of a parallel culture that dominates in German media, yet it portrays the life span of the family from a Turkish perspective, taking it to the extreme by having the jobs of the Turks in the movie speaking German, thus being recognized by the audience, whereas the German heroes speak an indefinable gibberish, putting giving the audience the same feeling that migrants find themselves in when approaching to a country whose language they don't understand.
The concept of id and Heimat are dominating the movie, even though they should never be openly addressed. The living, ideas and, sometimes, conflicting elements of these ideas are constantly within the movie, which manages to obtain the audience take into account the position and personal information of migrants in German modern culture, without forcing them to do so by explicitly directing it out.
As advised in the literary discourse, there is a transfer in the identity of migrants from the first to the second and to the third era. While first era migrants, being those that actually made a decision to move, are usually highly attached to their house country, this attachment becomes weaker in the second generation and basically disappears in the 3rd.
This happening is depicted in the movie "Almanya - Willkommen in Deutschland", where all three family decades find themselves in conflicting situations of cognitive dissonance, challenging their id.
The same is true for the idea of Heimat, being a major push within the formation of identity. As seen in the movie, first era migrants have a tendency to uphold a solid relation, especially psychologically, to their country of source, whereas the following generations become more and more attached to their new home, forgetting the idea that their family's Heimat was once someplace else.
Being aware of this phenomenon is crucial to the situation of multiculturalism in Germany. The initially mentioned statement by Angela Merkel is basically referring to the difficult situation with first generation migrants and, to a certain degree migrants of the second generation. It can be assumed though, that, the more years there are, the better integration can be and a lot more these individuals with a history of migration will merge and integrate within the German population.
This also needs to be kept in mind when planning integration options and policies, by positively discouraging the creation of parallel societies, which certainly are not representative of the wider German-Turk community.
Whether integration ameliorates and if the conflicting identities between Turkish migrants disappear as the first and maybe even second years slowly are transferring and the third and following generation's Turks will be the dominant foreign society in Germany, remains to be observed in the future.