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Sociology Essays - Tattooing Body Mutilation

Tattooing Body Mutilation

Question. Undertake a research study of any contemporary cultural practice or set of practices of your decision, explaining what you consider to be their sociological value.


Body mutilation has long been part of non-Christian ethnicities as an optimistic mark of individuality, while in many modem Body modification tactics are so prolific that an exhaustive account of the methods of body magic and marking around the globe is almost impossible.

Body mutilation such as tattooing often functions as part of a recovery ritual, safety against pushes that could cause injury and admission to a social group. Cultural methods of body mutilation tend to be functionally akin to prayer as a practice that spiritually elevates a person.

Tattooing is not the hideous custom which it is called. It is not barbarous merely because the printing is skin-deep and unalterable. -Henry David Thoreau. Several major religions display complex behaviour toward self-mutilation and adornment. In the Old Testament, Leviticus 19. 28 prohibits followers of Judaism from marking the body: "Ye shall not make any cuttings in your flesh for the deceased, nor imprint any grades after you. " The "Holly Koran forbids marking your body. The Religious Bible associates body markings with sin as shown in the storyline of Cain, who was simply marked in punishment for slaying his brother.

Still, many people seemingly have continuing to feel a need for confirmation of the faith by marking their systems. The Judaic custom of circumcision persists. Coptic, Armenian, Abyssinian, Syrian, and Russian pilgrims returning from the Holy Land frequently bought souvenir tattoo designs to commemorate their trip. At the change of the nineteenth century, it was traditional for Gypsies to tattoo these pilgrims, and the tattoo grades became area of the pilgrim's social position.

An example of this is the Armenian title for just one who may have made the pilgrimage which is Mahdesi, which means "I saw fatality. " Because only religious pilgrims were tattooed, the religious tattoos were also called Mahdesi. The tattoo is a code indicating a religious passing, or at least a religious pilgrimage. Likewise, in Turkey the souvenir body art were known by the Turkish phrase for one that has made the spiritual pilgrimage, Haji.

These religious body art became symbols of accessibility into an increased plane of religious presence and exemplify the overlap between Religious values and body magic. First noted by a tourist in 1660, common grades included dots in the condition of a mix at the base of the hands and crosses on the trunk of the side or inside of the wrist. Biblical moments marked the bearer as a devout Christian, but also served wonderful purposes.

Women decided Annunciation moments to ensure fertility, and victims of illness located tattoos on ailing parts of the body to promote therapeutic. Although Greek and Latin Religious churches have criticized these practices, they persist, and many Muslim Arabs tattoo in disregard for the Islamic prohibition on marking your body. Even today, many American tattooees have permanent religious icons and emblems as well as personal enchanting symbols inked upon their body.

Tattoos are prompted by "the primitive desire for an exaggerated external" and are manifestations of profound psychological motivations. They may be "the tracking of dreams, " which concurrently express an element of the self applied and recreate and mask the body As products of inner yearnings, self-concepts, wants, and mysterious or spiritual values, designs on our body formed by inserting pigments under the skin have been constructed by practically every culture about the world for a large number of years.

Definitive proof tattooing dates to the Middle Kingdom amount of Egypt, roughly 2000 B. C. , but many scholars think that Nubians helped bring the practice to Egypt much previously. There is little anthropological attention to tattooing in the first area of the century because of preconceived notions of its insignificance to ethnic analysis. Archaeological facts reveals that the Maya, Toltec, and Aztec cultures performed tattooing and scarification, and that the practice is thousands of years old in Asian cultures.

Although tattooing was employed in pre-Christian European countries, the term tattoo will not appear in English until Captain John Make meals imported it after a trip to the Pacific Islands in the eighteenth century. Although no connection has been made between your words tattoo and taboo, it seems highly likely that they are related. While enduring the procedure of acquiring socially meaningful marks, the tattooee has been formed and formed into an acceptable member of population.

Prior to the completion of the tattoo designs the person isn't only physically vulnerable as a result of possibility of contaminants during the penetrating process of tattooing but symbolically vulnerable as well. No longer without a tattoo, but without a finished tattoo, the person's body and therefore the self are not yet completed. The individual is a luminal entity not yet in world and therefore taboo.

Although the origin of tattooing is uncertain, anthropological research confirms that tattooing, and also other body modifications and mutilations, is significant in the spiritual beliefs of many cultures. Various peoples tattoo or scarify during puberty rituals. In traditional South Pacific Tonga culture, only priests could tattoo others and tattoos were symbolic of full tribal status.

Eskimo women typically tattooed their encounters and chest and thought that acquiring sufficient tats assured a happy afterlife. In many African cultures scars indicate social status and desirability as a married relationship partner. Scarification habits often identify the bearer as a member of a specific village. Many of these procedures are changing and fading as Western influences enter African cultures.

Until the mid-nineteenth century, Cree Indians living on the fantastic Plains tattooed for success, for beauty, and to protect their health. Cree men with special forces received tattoos to help them communicate with spirits. A aspiration conferred the privilege of obtaining a tattoo, which would be inscribed throughout a ceremony conducted by the shaman certified to tattoo.

The capability to withstand the unpleasant and tedious process of tattooing, which frequently lasted two to three days, validated the tattooee's courage. Blood vessels shed during the process was thought to possess magical ability and was ingested with a special cloth and held for future use.

The ritual recreates the flesh bequeathed to initiates by their parents and experienced during child years. The physical change signifies a symbolic rebirth into a new spiritual, interpersonal, and physical actuality as well as a real physical change. This magical use of the body reiterates the theory that physical and spiritual existence and their relationships are deeply entwined.

European "civilizing" cultures often attemptedto eradicate body marking tactics, often in the name of religious beliefs. In 787 A. D. Pope Hadrian I decreed a ban on tattooing. Constantine prohibited tattooing as an take action of altering the body that God shaped in His own image. Puritans in the New England colonies linked body markings with witchcraft, and the ones suspected of doing witchcraft were sought out "devil's markings" as proof of their alliance with Satan.

Quoting the Old Testament interdict against printing or trimming marks upon the flesh, the Puritans also condemned Indigenous American tattooing. By 1850s many Local Americans had used the settlers' traditions of dress and began to view tattooing as unnecessary and uncivilized. Africans taken to the colonies as slaves often bore scarification markings of royalty, social standing up, or servitude, which were probably perceived by the colonists as heathen tokens of savage ethnicities.

In some cultures, the elite school marks the systems of people considered pariahs or marginal people of society. Within the Near East, slave masters sometimes tattooed slaves as an indicator of degradation and top quality incorrigible slaves. In late medieval and early on modern Europe, slaveholders branded their slaves, a practice continued in France until the early 1800s and in Russia before mid-1800s. Runaway slaves in Brazil, the renegade quilombos who have been brand name if recaptured, considered their brands grades of honor and infamy.

In Yoruba, where body markings placed one within contemporary society, slave owners rejected their slaves distinguishing marks of social status. Exemplifying a much different assumption about body marking, slaveholders in the Americas brand and tattooed their slaves to put them solidly outside mainstream population. Through the eighteenth century, prisoners incarcerated in France were in physical form marked. The use of body markings as positive indicators of id and addition in many African societies contrasts sharply with European use of the markings as indicators of degradation and marginalization.

The American association of tattooing with exoticism solidified in 1851 when Dan Rice employed a tattooed man known as Adam F. O'Connell to appear in his circus. During this time Rice was also interesting America with another body image in popular culture, the blacked-up minstrel. The minstrel representation of the dark-colored body was replete with sophisticated meanings of manhood, race, and school. The tattooed body on display was probably less familiar but equally intriguing. Without proof the type of tattoos Rice's worker had, or whether or not he performed, or dished up only as a display subject, it is difficult to determine the meaning of his existence.

Perhaps O'Connell conjured images of any white savage, halfway between the articulate, civilized white man and the Indigenous American who expressed his culture with car paint and body markings. Perhaps audiences noticed the tattooed man as Melville's Queequeg incarnate; amazing, half-blackened with ink-and one half black, but not without sense or humanness. P. T. Barnum implemented Rice's success by displaying an elaborately inscribed Albanian called Constantine, who was simply an extremely popular attraction. Barnum was the first ever to show a tattooed woman, in 1898, which added the erotic factor of viewing the feminine body.

During the last mentioned part of the nineteenth century as the public became more acquainted with the artwork of tattooing through the circus, that was primarily a working and lower-class entertainment, tattoo was also developing commercially. The first known professional tattooist in the United States was Martin Hildebrand who got an itinerant practice during the Civil Battle and opened up a shop in New York City in the 1890s.

At the change of the century, tattoo designs showed up in titillating and disreputable places. Tattooing became a shop-front industry in the disreputable Chatham Square portion of New York City. Electric tattoo machines made tattooing cheaper and less agonizing and good tattoos easier to provide. With this new technology, tattooing became popular amonst the lower classes and quickly had become associated with blue-collar personnel and ruffians.

Although tattooing was an upper-class trend for a limited period, by the 1920s the middle course considered it deviant. Body art were considered "a decorative cultural product dispensed by typically unskilled and unhygienic professionals from dingy retailers in metropolitan slums, " and consumers were "seen as being attracted from marginal, rootless, and dangerously unconventional public groups. "

In the 1930s, the North american desire for body alteration as a deviant practice, extended. During this time a psychiatrist and article writer named Albert Parry often had written about the importance of tattoo designs and inlayed stereotypes of deviance in the general public discourse. Although Parry was a devoted supporter of tattooing, and bemoaned its drop in attractiveness, he called tattooing a "tragic miscarriage of narcissism. " He stated tattooing was an alternative for sexual joy, evidence of homosexuality, and a source of masochistic pleasure.

Parry associated tattooing with abnormal sexuality. Although exhibition of your tattooed girl in the circus in preceding years was tinged with a hint of intimate voyeurism, Parry explicitly designed images of tattooed women as unnatural and accessible goods. He claimed that five percent of American women were tattooed and insinuated that beneath their typical clothes, these disguised women had marked their physiques with indicators of desire and erotic excursion. Parry mentioned that "prostitutes in America, as somewhere else, get tattooed because of certain strong masochistic-exhibitionist drives. "

Parry reasoned that prostitutes obtained tattoos because they desired just one more reason to pity themselves and were wanting to be mistreated by clients. He also asserted that they assumed body art would prevent disease and they obtained sexual pleasure from the tattoo process. As proof the prostitute's desire to self-humiliate, Parry identified several body art of cynical humor and erotic innuendo inscribed upon prostitutes, such as "pay as you get into. "

Conflating racism, homophobia, and the thought of women as a erotic commodity, Parry also claimed that British prostitutes etched brands of their pimps on themselves or likenesses of "their Negro enthusiasts, much to the chagrin of American sailors, " while French women inscribed the labels of their lesbian fans, and gay men tattooed themselves in order to seduce young young boys. Parry relished the stereotype of tattooing as a perverse and deviant activity. His assertions reverberated for decades in the assumptions psychologists organised about tattooed man and women.

Tacitly based on the preconception that marking your body is deviant, psychologists have looked for to determine a connection between body art and psychopathology. People and potential associates of the navy who bear body art have offered as subjects for many studies that correlate tattoo designs and social adjustment. A study in 1943 figured "psychopathology or cultural or psychological maladjustment is significantly higher among tattooed than among non-tattooed men. "

A 1968 review figured sailors with tats were more likely to be maladjusted, and armed service men with "Death before Dishonor" tats were much more likely than non-tattooed sailors to be discharged from the service. Other studies conducted during the late 1960s link tattooed women with homosexuality and masochism and tattooing practices in institutions with high levels of aggression, intimate insecurity, and sociable maladjustment. These studies both pre-selected the topic pools and ignored the consequences of the institutional milieu on the tattooees.

Other studies of imprisoned populations uncover motivations to tattoo that act like the motivations to self-mutilate as a reaction to the surrounding environment. Much like inmate self-mutilation, tattooing may provide rest from the numbness of incarceration and establish specific or gang individuality. A 1964 review of the public notion of tattooed individuals revealed a majority of folks recognized tattooed individuals as physically strong and psychologically intense. This survey figured if tattoos are indications of communal maladjustment, they may function to improve the bearer's self-image and integrity.

Returning to the idea of confirmation of the self in a pain-enduring interaction, one can understand the connotation of toughness and integrity a tattoo confers. One psychoanalytic case study observed a dominatrix in this marriage bore her body art as proof her ability to manage the ritual infliction of pain adroitly. This self-mastery and "toughness" received her the to control her submissive associates and demonstrated her ability to alter, both own and her associates' consciousness and personality.

The insufficient knowledge of the efficient purposes of both tattooing process and the ultimate marks have resulted in a notion of tattooing as barbaric, deviant, and sexually perverse. Dominant American culture has considered body art as grades of degradation, criminality, and marginality. Lacking any knowledge of manipulation of your body to inspire "sacred awe" in visitors and bearers of body art and other body modifications, you can not grasp the importance of these modifications as tangible establishment of personal, spiritual, and social id.

Although body changes such as tattooing and piercing have been construed as signs or symptoms of deviance, during the past two decades body alteration has started to filtering into mainstream culture as a popular form of self-expression. Articles about tattooing and piercing proliferate in popular literature. Magazines show models with tattooed ankles and pierced navels, and recruit well-known tattooed music artists for their pages. Children are able to play with tattooed dolls. Exhibits of tattoo art are shown in art galleries. Piercing boutiques and tattoo shops are conducting quick business.

Several factors have urged a "tattoo renaissance" since the 1950s. Post war prosperity across the West Coast combined with a new affinity for Asian cultures, a lot of which revere tattooing. JAPAN, for example, have a long custom of tattoo as an complex body skill. New technology and affinity for tattooing as a fine artwork have produced new aesthetic standards, a wider clients, and an infinite variety of tattoo designs, including "neo-tribal" stylistic forms that are seriously influenced by tattoo practices of other civilizations. Today, as sociologist Clinton Sanders notes, tattooing is becoming more professional plus more of an excellent art.

Tattoo artists are much more likely to get formal artistic and academics training than in earlier years and also to consider their tattooing practice a creative pursuit. A more diverse population gets tattooed in the past two decades. New tattoo clients are better informed, have more disposable income, and worry more about the ornamental and cosmetic elements. Customer's often custom design their own tattoos and the tattooer-customer romance is changing from one of service agency and buyer to a collaborative effort. The relationship between a piercer and his or her consumer may be even more intricate and personal. With or without mindful realization of the importance of body making in other cultures, People in america today are implementing similar practices. To understand these procedures as cultural phenomena, we should first understand their significance for individuals.

Tattooing and piercing are not simply adornments added to your body surface like rings or cosmetics, nevertheless they penetrate the flesh. Piercing is a quick process accompanied by several weeks of tenderness while healing. Tattooing is a tiresome, painful process followed by an interval of transformation in which the wound heals and the redesigned body emerges. These adornments, like self-starvation and self-cutting, accrue relevance from both the process of physical transformation and the final product.

The tattoo process is often a "highly social function" where a person manipulates and asserts individuality within a particular social milieu. Getting a tattoo is often "a cultural event familiar with close associates, " who provide moral support, offer advice, and help go the "anxiety-filled longing time. " Many tattoo musicians and artists and piercers comment on the large percentage with their customers who participate in college or university fraternities or sororities and get pierced within the initiation process. It is rare these individuals tattoo or pierce exclusively. Often several affiliates accompany the start to provide companionship and fortification.

Many cultures connect social status to body modifications and consider pain a crucial component for imparting so this means to body alteration. Yoruban scarification isn't only considered aesthetically pleasing but announces the marked individual's fortitude and capability to put up with pain.

A Yoruban female acquires her markings when she is old enough to marry and acknowledge the unpleasant ordeal of childbirth. Her kolo cicatrices "exhibit her determination to tolerate pain. Cosmetic value is bound up with the worthiness of endurance and the willingness to bear pain to accomplish a larger good. " Tiv women remark on the power of scarification to indicate masculinity and the desire to tolerate pain to become attractive: "What female would check out a guy if his marks hadn't cost him pain?"

Withstanding the pain of tattooing and other body modifications is also significant in American culture. The tattooee or piercee, like any initiate, vulnerably awaits the pain and new position the procedure will impart. Enduring pain is often considered imperative to gender constructions and demonstration of toughness. Although some tattooees have a difficult time bearing the pain, others see it as a "good pain. "

Part of the pleasure of your tattoo is the macho implication to be able to endure the pain, and through the 1950s and 1960s getting a tattoo was a common rite of passing into adulthood for many young men. Still today, withstanding the monotonous and agonizing process with bravado may be required to gain membership in a junior gang, or even to display rebellion against authority. College fraternities may require members to get tattooed or pierced as an indicator of their commitment.

One tattoo artist with many tattoo designs attaches the pain of the procedure with the pleasure of creativeness. "From the strange metaphor to state that pain is similar to an orgasm, but it is in a way. And it's really like labor too, to undergo this pain to create a thing, to obtain it out of you. The design is inside of you, it just needs to get out. " The creative manifestation of identification is enhanced by the sensation of "aliveness" that accompanies the pain of the process for many individuals. "This sense of existing, of sense, of enjoying life, [comes] to numerous with the touch of the needle. " The continuous pain produces euphoria for most, and pain is also a meaningful and enjoyable element of the piercing process for a few piercees as well as people who enjoy body branding or scarification. 62

Individuals who tattoo and pierce imbue the body with narcissistic or magico-religious powers to confirm personal information and connect those to a deeper self-awareness, a communal group, or a perspective of integration with the cosmos. Like the manner in which the self-mutilator or anorectic literally demarcates a big change in self-awareness and conversation with the surrounding milieu, someone who selects to self-mark bodily confirms a change in status.

The "badge of admission" may carry personal meaning as well as a concept of affiliation with a religion, one other person, a community, a junior gang, a fraternity, a armed service company, or any specific group. The complexity of the action is based on the actual fact that the verification of identity is based on distancing the self applied from a sizable non-marked portion of the population. Body markings are markings of disaffiliation with the mainstream and "visually proclaim a sense of camaraderie to others so marked. The change in position, like the self-mutilator's change in anxiety level and temporary "cure" of feelings of fragmentation,

Body alteration functions in similar ways in European culture, but it accrues some other strength as a deliberate choice of identification because of the stigma it incurs as a rebellion against, somewhat than an embodiment of, dominant cultural worth. American women, fully alert to the stigma attached to tattooing and body alteration that doesn't help achieve standard beauty goals for women, are more likely than men to choose adornment that is not publicly visible and add more personal meanings with their markings.

In a culture that has taught them to preserve their physiques for the fun of others, women who tattoo themselves are implicitly making a declaration of self-reliance from at least some aesthetic standards expected of these by households, friends, and society. One 21-year-old girl explained the reaction of her mom to her tattoo. "She asks me to keep it covered if we go out in public. It really is an indicator of disrespect to her. " One woman explained, "I did this not for my husband, not for my parents, not for a manager, not for anybody else but me, my inner reason was to produce a assertion. " Women mark their physiques as an act of reclamation of the identity following a divorce, as a gesture of therapeutic from sexual or other physical maltreatment, or just as self-celebration.

Body alteration symbolizes "control over and take great pride in in the physical personal" for many women. Centuries back, this tangible proof self-control and self-celebration may have been enough to convict a woman of witchcraft and phrase her to fatality. If the "devil's draw" was found on the body of a woman accused of witchcraft -whether self-imposed or organic in reality-it was interpreted as a chosen draw that confirmed the woman's autonomous nature and rebellion against prescribed action. Her willful desecration of her God-given body turned out her collusion with the Devil.

Today, a woman's self-creation provides less formidable effects. Similar to the ways of punk varieties of "leather and metallic gain access to forbidden gender icons and patterns" for women, tattoo designs and piercing give a form of gender rebellion also. The 1970 review highlighted this notion when one of the girl subjects proclaimed her drive to tattoo as "I want to become a guy. . . anything they can do I could do better. " Tattooing and body piercing blur earlier assumptions about gender assignments for men and women.

Historically considered a salacious and pagan badge by American ethnicities, deliberate body alteration proclaims defiance of ethnical standards for both men and women, and many body modifiers benefit from the shock value of their adornment and take delight in their stigmatized identities.

Piercers and tattooees reject mainstream norms of adornment while simultaneously embracing subterranean position. This is a particularly important element of the body modification trend for adolescents who want to establish social identity and autonomy from parental power. Recreating your body differentiates one from one's previous childhood body, and conventional familial and ethnic milieus.

One connection between body alteration and youngsters and popular culture is explained by Daryl "Bear" Belmares, who had been a specialist piercer for nine years in 1996 Belmares attributes the go up in piercing popularity since 1990 to the influence of media and details two standard motivations to pierce. Some individuals are entranced by the tendencies of the look. "They come in and say 'I saw it on MTV. ' They've seen the Aerosmith video recording that has a model with a pierced navel and think it looks captivating. " Their main desire is a need to be different.

These folks are likely to let their piercing heal over over time. Other piercers are "practical piercers" who spend additional time premeditating their decision and pierce for intimate enlargement, to consciously recognise a transition in their life, or even to heal emotional marks. Although one might feel that women will pierce as a narcissistic use of your body to establish id, predicated on the proportion of self-starvers and self-cutters who are women, Belmares refused this gender variation, noting that his clientele is 50 percent men and 50 percent women.

In 1969, Edward Podvall known that "not only will the iconography of self-mutilation look regularly on the landscape of our own culture as something seemingly more honest, real, clean, or disciplined, but it could be found as an urgent posture within a definite developmental epoch. " He concluded that individual self-mutilation can be an attempt to fend off developmental anxiety, and its own prevalence may suggest "exoneration and endorsement by the surrounding culture. "

As a ethnic occurrence, the iconography of self-mutilation may be interpreted in several ways. Podvall's depiction of self-mutilation within a developmental process, like Turner's delineation of body marking as an answer of initiation process and like psychoanalytic theory of body narcissism and self-mutilation as attempts to beat fragmentation of the ego, uncovers the cultural significance of body modification.

Self-starvation, self-cutting, performance art work, and painful, permanent body adornment are potent expressions of rebellion, desire to have autonomy, and need to disseminate tension. They are tries to self-heal, self-initiate, and self-symbolize. Self-mutilation may augment self-awareness, provoke euphoric feelings of spirituality, and resolve a state of liminality by culminating in markings of personal information.

In the framework of culturally sanctioned rituals, these marks incur social addition and demarcate public status. In American contemporary society, which includes considered body alteration tactics barbaric and has few formal approaching old rituals that mark the body, the perception of the marks as deviant or perverse has been changing as they have grown to be more prevalent.


Although the magnitude to which modern-day Western society allows self-mutilation is debatable, many forms of self-mutilation are becoming ever more popular as real and symbolic types of self-creation. The public and private, specific and sociable spheres where body alteration is significant are entwined. Self-mutilation can't be segregated from the culture where it is out there. As David Napier points out, American culture is enthusiastic about "coming of age" as a never-ending process. This struggle to achieve individuality is mirrored by the implosion of self and identity in to the physical icon, and truth, of the body.

The human body is an accessible and viable pathway to alternative integration of self applied and it is a terrain upon which to carve and etch one's deepest dreams for personal information and meaningful link with both earthly and spiritual realms. Sometimes altering your body is a kind of play and adornment, assuming a mask, participating in a role, at other times this can be a desperate try to feel alive and fight a feeling of alienation and disassociation. Altering your body can be an exploration of restrictions and restrictions of the home, whether in the industry of staged art, subculture, or the local tattoo shop. As individuals test their own limitations, they test and change the boundaries of world.

Although still considered distasteful and non-mainstream by many people, body piercing and tattooing are being followed by individuals wanting to fulfill religious and social individuality needs. As opposed to societies where body grades are inscribed matching to cultural traditions, the self-chosen grades of today's modem civilizations are grades of disaffiliation with convention and historical ideals.

Finally, as individuals enhance their systems as exploration of their specific identities, the culture composed of these individuals commences to explore what this means to be individual and what role your body has in civilization. Tattooing is an act which is very much indeed painful in some cases why should someone find the tattooes even though they are really so terrible. This is culture˜s responsibility to create such benchmarks for such abnormal things so that every body can have clear mind about these unusual things.


1. Edward Westermarck, "The Record of Human Marriage Amount: 1. Macmillan. London. 1921

2. Alfred Metraux, Easter Island: A Stone-Age Civilization of the Pacific Oxford College or university Press, New York. 1957

3. Tattooing and Civilizing Processes: Body Changes as Self-Control Michael Atkinson Journal Subject: The Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology. Level: 41. Concern: 2. Publication Yr: 2004

4. Tattooing, Gender and Public Stratification in Micro-Polynesia Per Hage, Frank Harary, Bojka Milicic, Journal Title: Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. Volume: 2. Concern: 2. Publication Season: 1996

5. Tattooing, Body Piercing, and Long lasting Beauty products: A Historical and Current View of Talk about Rules, with Continuing Concerns. Journal Subject: Journal of Environmental Health. Size: 67. Issue: 8. Publication Season: 2005


1. http://www. bookrags. com/researchtopics/body-piercing-and-tattoos/sub13. html

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