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Models of Coverage Making

Keywords: incremental plan making, nonincremental insurance plan making, multiple streams model

I think the whether plan process is incremental or non-incremental depends on different situation. (I believe the truth is much more complicated than any theory, to be able to lessen the complexity of the question we may use different theory models. )

Before we discuss whether the mother nature of the plan process is incremental or non-incremental, we ought to first think what's an incremental model of policy and what is a non-incremental style of policy process, and we have to also think about both advantages and disadvantages of these models. A couple of three the latest models of here: the rationality (bounded rationality) model, the incrementalism model and the garbage can model.

Bounded Rationality Model

In Simon's bounded rationality model, the rationality is conditioned. The exact process of interpersonal activities is influenced by intuition, experience, correctness of information and value judgments. Pure objective and logical decision-making model is only a hypothesis model, it doesn't exist the truth is. Within the bounded rationality model, your choice maker should identify fact from value and preferences; and he shouldn't replace the worthiness with the fact; also, your choice maker should separate method from goal. . . Actually, the government has only limited insurance plan options and decision-maker can only do limited cost-benefit evaluation. The information, material resources, politics support and time of the plan are all limited; therefore, the coverage choice has been limited. Matching to this situation, the assessment standards of the insurance policy aren't whether this coverage is maximum or not, the criteria of the plan are whether it's satisfying and second best or not. Simon's theory doesn't say that your choice makers can't make any non-incremental improvement, however it tells us that your choice making process are limited by information and electric power. If the policy maker can have enough material support, political support, information and enough time they can make some non-incremental process; if each one of these factors are extremely limited then it is highly unlikely to allow them to make a very no-incremental insurance plan process.

Incrementalism model

Lindblom's incrementalism model emphasizes that the policy process is an ongoing process. Decision-making process is largely predicated on decision-makers' previous experience with some little adjustments of existing policy. This is an incremental process, and the changes within this technique seemed to be slow, however the small changes may lead into some very nice changes, the actual speed of changing is often higher than we thought. However, a drastic policy differ from "policy A to another policy A1" isn't just unfeasible but also undesirable; a major change may threat public stability and will cause insurance policy disruptions.

In his view, the decision-making and policy-making process are bounded to politics factor, technological factor, and they're also constrained by existing regulations. And all these constrain have determined that the decision-making process is incremental.

Garbage can model

"Garbage can model" is completed by Marche and Olsen. They believe that there may be inherently irrational factor within in the decision-making process, and sometime there is limited rationality in the incremental process. They dispute that policymakers' policy targets and solutions are often not so clear.

In the coverage process, the insurance plan making organizations are facing a lot of potential insurance plan solutions, policy programs, policy members and insurance plan opportunities. And these factors were tossed into an insurance plan garbage can and they are mixed alongside one another. The policy is what the policy machine finally picks right out of the can. The garbage can model attempted to grow organizational decision theory in to the then uncharted field of organizational anarchy which is characterized by "problematic preferences", "unclear technology" and "fluid participation". A couple of four of those streams were determined in the model: Problem (requires attention), Solutions (has it own life. ), Opportunities, Individuals (not stable). They may be independent of the other person and there is no causal website link. The theoretical breakthrough of the garbage can model is that it disconnects problems, solutions and decision producers from each other, unlike traditional decision theory. Some opportunities may pattern and some may never come back. When opportunities occur, problems, solutions and individuals will across and the four channels may converge. If problems and solutions are matched during this time period then the problem is resolved. If indeed they don't match, they will await another decision-making opportunity. Specific decisions do not follow an orderly process from problem to solution, but are effects of several relatively impartial streams of events within the organization. Under normal circumstances, insurance policy makers are employing his default choice along with his to learned the right questions.

Garbage can model has some advantages: on the main one palm, it can clarify why the bureaucracy is often inefficient. Using this model, we can recognize that bureaucrats often lack the incentive to drive reform; therefore, general public policy process will change slowly. Alternatively this model implies that opportunities, human creative imagination and choice still have some space in coverage process and some dramatic change can occurred by having a non-incremental random way.

Kingdon creates the multiple stream models from the garbage can model to explain just why there are major shifts in the agenda, and why these changes could be non- incremental change to existing insurance plan. Kingdon's model recognizes three streams in the machine: problems, plans, and politics. Each stream is streaming during the policy process. And each is stream is unbiased from others, and each stream has its own dynamics and guidelines. However, in a crucial time point all these streams will combine into one single program. Usually, a concentrating issue provides this critical time point, also the change of politics structure will also bring the critical time indicate the policy enterprisers. And the insurance plan entrepreneur will use this package to market their plan solution. If the solution of the problem has been received by the insurance plan makers, then there will be even a dramatic change within the insurance policy process.

As I discussed above, Lindblom's incrementalism model could work goo in a well balanced situation. However, it offers some limits and inadequacies. First of all, this is a conservative procedure; it is generally well suited for relatively secure environment. In order to make the insurance plan process work well, the former insurance policy should be good. However, after the cultural conditions and the surroundings changed drastically, the incremental decision-making model might not exactly work well. History has shown that one moment in public development requires large policy changes, and it is sometimes even essential for the policy makers to abandon ex - policy. In these situations, the incremental method could be ineffective or even has some unwanted effects. In these cases, I think the bounded rationality insurance plan model can work better. Because in this model, coverage machine can make new insurance policy by using limited information through careful calculations. Although in the bounded rationality model, the first trial of new plan is not perfect, but it provides a useful basic for even more improvement for next incremental process or at least it provides a potential insurance plan solution for the garbage can. At some degree, I believe the incrementalism procedure and the garbage can plan are method aimed which means both of these policy process don't require a certain insurance policy goal; while the bounded rationality strategy is goal directed which means there's a certain goal.

In conclusion, I believe whether insurance policy process is incremental or non-incremental should depend on different situations. Also, to be able to discuss whether a policy process is incremental or non-incremental we have to limit enough time course of the coverage process. The incremental process works better in a well balanced environment and it does not require a clear plan goal; if the plan process is theoretically limited within a short plan period, then you will see no major changes. The non-incremental process may are better in a rapid changing situation. The bounded rationality model demonstrates the policy manufacturers could make useful policy with limited information and resources.

5) Some criticize policy theories to be better at describing policy balance than insurance policy change. Evaluate this promise regarding some leading thinkers from our course.

No, I believe there are some theories can explain insurance policy change as well as plan stability.

Here are some ideas which is often used to make clear policy changes:

Punctuated Equilibrium Theory and Plan Change

Punctuated Equilibrium Theory makes an attempt to spell it out the progressive coverage changes and significant change. If the insurance plan issues are dealt with by the political sub-system, we usually can observe the lifetime of incremental changes; conversely, when working with plan issues to be brought up to the macro political system, there may be a significant plan change, and we often notice a major plan change (True, Jones, and Baumgartner, 1999:102).

In the process of insurance policy change, the policy entrepreneur is trying to change recognized/accepted ideas of the public (Baumgartner and Jones, 1993:42).

Although the Punctuated Equilibrium Theory has pointed out when the image of the prevailing insurance plan is challenged the opportunities will be created, however the theory hasn't tell why plans will be challenged.

We can notice an insurance plan change whenever there are new way of plan thinking, a mobilization of new insurance plan supporters and a institutional change within the policy framework. Whether these factors appear together or they show up alone can make policy maker change their previous incremental and secure coverage process at different diplomas. These factors will punctuate the equilibrium of plan stable growing process; and these factors will bring turbulent and unstable insurance plan process. The explanations of policy issue, the boundary of policy problem, the agenda setting of plan will be the key factors in insurance policy process. Different interpretation of coverage concern will also reinforce policy holds or bring uncertainties to existing plan. The model stresses policy change is punctuated equilibrium, the change is encouraged by a intricate combination of internal and external factors.

Advocacy Coalition Construction and Policy Change

Advocacy Coalition Platform was first suggested by Sabatier (1988). Sabatier suggests that we should concentrate on the connections of the plan advocacy. Sabatier suggests that within the coalition those participants share the mutual belief in a set of policy beliefs. Based on this hypothesis, coverage change can be recognized as a function of the partnership between the fighting advocacy coalition and outside the house factors (Sabatier, 1999:9; Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, 1993:5). The plan change is a result of advocacy coalitions' competition, discussion of values and external factors.

Advocacy Coalition Platform shows that notion system can be divided into three levels, profound core, policy central beliefs and secondary aspects.

Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith (1999:147) remarked that major changes in an insurance plan actually is a change of core values, while a smaller change of insurance policy reflects changes in the plan values or the extra beliefs. Basically, deep core ideals are fixed, and it is similar to an exogenous parameters; policy core values are shaped and it serve as advocacy's adhesives, it often have a decade or even more time to change, and it could be considered as part of the endogenous variable. Considerable policy change is the consequence of the changes in insurance policy beliefs. And the changes in secondary level will lead to small, incremental plan change (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, 1999: 131).

Also policy Change is divided into two types: incremental insurance policy changes and significant policy changes. Incremental change could possibly be the result of insurance plan learning. Because the goal of plan learning is not to shake the foundation of core beliefs, therefore there will never be major insurance plan changes (Sabatier, 1988:149; Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, 1999:123). As well as the leaning process is often used to bolster and support the insurance policy belief and core belief.

Another way to think of the learning process

Subject of Learning

Object of Learning

Consequence

Governmental

Gov't Officials

Intelligent coverage process

Institutional Change

Experimental

Policy Network

Methodology

New Coverage Solution

Societal

Policy Community

Idea and Concept

Shifting Paradigm

However, if the central opinion is shaken, then the advocacy coalition may collapse. Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith (1999:147-49) pointed out that the reason for major insurance policy changes include: changes in socio-economic conditions, changes in governance system, etc. . .

Multiple Streams Model and Insurance policy Change

Multiple Channels Model is developed predicated on the garbage can mode (Cohen, March and Olsen (1972). Multiple Channels Model is proposed in 1984 by Kingdon. Relating to this model, when plan maker are facing uncertainty and time pressure, the most worried issue for the kids is the time point somewhat than rational or optimal end result. From this perspective, the main element point for insurance policy change is the right time point. If coverage maker can understanding the main element time point, then he is able to make some policy changes.

Multiple Streams Model implies that the insurance plan process comprises three procedures/streams; and these procedures are made by different celebrities: the first problem streams includes different information and alternatives suggested by their followers; the second policy streams includes authorities official's concern of insurance policy alternatives and insurance plan formation; the third politics stream includes politics awareness by the elected representatives and elected reps (Sabatier, 1999:9).

These three techniques flow inside and outside the government, and each is an individual process operation for most of the time, they are unrelated to each other (Kingdon, 1994:216). In a crucial time point, plan entrepreneur will combine the various techniques (coupling into an individual package, and it will greatly enhance a policy concern attention and even create a policy opportunity) (Zahariadis, 1999:73). And in this critical point, plan windows will be opened up.

Kingdon (1994:216) has defined, when the insurance plan window open, an insurance plan issue should come out. Some coverage solutions which may be used to address the policy issues have previously existed, and enough time for this coverage is correct. Coverage window can be an possibility to promote a particular policy program, they will appear by themselves, but it is a very short time for folks to notice and use this opportunity (Kingdon, 2003:166). Kingdon (2003:168) further pointed out that under the Multiple Streams Model, policy window may move from the politics stream or problems stream. If the policy windowpane is opened up for politics reasons, it is because of president transformed, there are changes of the administrating get together, there exists change in congress, etc. . . When the policy home window is exposed from the insurance plan stream, it is mostly because some issues have trapped the attention of government officials.

Whether policy makers are seeking solutions to promote existing plans or seeking alternatives to replace existing policies, the policy maker will usually provide some opportunities for policy advocators to sell their policies. Which means that so long as those insurance plan advocators can make plan makers believe that their program is a feasible option to handle plan issues or their solutions can help accumulate politics prestige and resources of the new regulations; sooner or later, their policy proposals will have the chance to enter the coverage agenda. It's possible for these proposals to be legitimized and completed as the government's coverage (Kingdon, 2003:172). Zahariadis (1999:82) argues that, if the insurance plan window is exposed in the politics stream, then your combination of the various processes will be doctrinal. It really is an existing insurance plan to help find solutions to solve insurance policy issues. If the policy home window is exposed in the condition stream, then your combination of the various processes are more likely to be consequential, that is a process for finding a viable solution.

Kingdon (2003:94-95) also remarked that the coverage problems might not seem clear to everyone. Sometimes a difficulty is noticed since there is a centering event which has provided it with an insurance plan window. Kingdon (2003:97) the target of the event will be made as sign in political world; and a symbol will attract attention and strengthen the role for certain issues.

In conclusion, I believe from a philosophic aspect the ideas of policy stability and ideas of insurance policy changes are the two sides of the same coin. Also, I believe the partnership between different ideas isn't just completive but sometime different ideas are complementary to each others. I believe the problem for a few policy scholars is the fact they often centered on one theory rather than looking for different explanations from different theories

4) Deborah Rock calls the struggle over ideas the "fact of insurance policy making. " Discuss this case with respect to leading ideas of the policy process.

I name my answer to question as "Idea and Deborah Natural stone", I'd like go through her publication and make clear why ideas are so important.

According to Deborah Rock, idea will help people to specify alliance, strategic concerns also idea can help people to have the legitimacy and draw policy restrictions. (Deborah, P 34). Relating to Deborah Stone, idea will decide "who'll be affected", "how will they be infected" and "will they be influenced legitimately" (Deborah, P. 34).

In the first Chapter, Stone begins her evaluation at the city-state (the Greek term polis) level. The general public policy is considered as an attempt to accomplish a certain community goals (Deborah, P 21). However, because of the fact that everyone has his own knowledge of ideas, which means political community has turned into a place for interior debates over "who'll be affected", "how will they be influenced" and "will they be afflicted legitimately"(Deborah, P 34). The policy-making process has thus turn into a continuous interaction between your conflict and cooperation.

In Stone's model, individuals may pursue their goals through collective action. The motivation is not only predicated on self-interests but also based on public concerns. This is because the general public interest is be related to the purpose of success (Deborah, P 33). However, when there is a contradiction between self-interest and open public interest, the policy process could be more complicated (Deborah, P 33). When the group is encouraged under common ideas, the group will get more strength, and you will see a balance between private pursuits and public pursuits in the discord.

Stone immediately uses the "idea" as the core concept of this booklet. In her structure of "polis community vs market individual"(Deborah P 33) model, ideas have grown to be the focus. Stone will try to use have difficulties of idea to make clear all stages of policy-making process. Policy-making is accompanied by a continuous constantly struggle to battle for the classification of specifications, types of limitations, and guide people to conduct the ideal typical classification.

The have difficulty of idea is seen in several policy levels. Matching to Stone's theory, idea defines what people want from the coverage; it is the foundation for folks to cognize and understands what the policy is. Idea provides a relationship between advocators and advocacy coalitions; Idea provides "causal romance" for these folks and communities, and ideas will be shown to their coverage objectives through their actions of obtaining support. And these folks with the distributed idea will persuade decision-makers to meet their tastes. As mentioned above, Stone recognizes idea as a constantly changing dynamic and resources of building. And by given different interpretations of ideas, the concept of the ideas will also change. She points out that the politics of plan is to find the interpretation (Deborah P 75). Stone argues that the power to interpret idea is the main element element in the policy-making process. Only legitimated idea can be altered into coverage. And using the legitimacy, people's knowledge or habit can be improved. And insurance plan change can be made through this connection of ideas. Ideas impacts how people cognized politics, and the change of politics will also feedback on ideas. To Natural stone, idea is not static; idea is an ongoing of constructing and reconstructing process of concepts.

Now I'll make an effort to exam whether Deborah Stone's idea theory can will fit with other insurance policy process theory.

In the punctuated equilibrium theory, Baumgartner and Jones also argue that idea is a potential electricity in the policy making process. Relating to their booklet "Agendas and Instability in North american Politics", "a powerful supporting idea is associated with the institution" (Baumgartner and Jones, P 7); In page 16, they also write"the tight connection between establishment and idea provides powerful support for prevailing circulation of political advantage". These claims mean that idea can help people understand "what is at stake and exactly how will they be influenced (Natural stone, 2002)", coverage advocators use institution agreement to make their idea be reputable. Also, in order to gain more electricity those policy actors will change images and ideas. To Baumgartner and Jones, ideas are essential because they offer some potential undergirding institutional arrangements; and the have difficulty of idea is the have difficulties over legitimate establishment arrangements.

In the e book Agendas, alternatives and public procedures, Kingdon also talks about the importance. In order to make useful policy recommendations, participants in the policy process are rivalling to develop new ideas; and they're trying to provide their ideas in the form of potential solutions to policy makers. Matching to Kingdon, policy entrepreneurs "lie in wait in and around government with the solutions [already] in hand, looking forward to problems to float by to which they can affix their solutions, waiting for a development in the politics stream they can use to their benefit" (Kingdon, P 165). Shared ideas make policy entrepreneurs into alliance; and these alliances are trying to make their ideas become reliable. Kingdon's "primal policy soup" (Kingdon, P 139-143) model provides us an image of how decision designers agree to idea through coherent narrative process (ideas are moving in the channels just as substances moving in the soup). Regarding to Kingdon, a policy community creates a short list of ideas. In the event the ideas can go through the selecting process, softening up process and if indeed they can pass the exam by specialists and insurance policy makers, they could finally become procedures. The complete process may very well be a continuing have difficulty of ideas. In cases like this, ideas are not only contending with other ideas, also, they are struggling to survive in this primal soup. I also think Kingdon's policy screen model is another improvement to Deborah Stone's arguments. Folks are now attempting to make their idea in front of the policy screen at the correct time. This model discovers that the through the plan process, critical time is also important for ideas struggling.

However, I believe there's also some ideas which do not totally support Deborah Stone's debate. Within the garbage can model, because the type of unclear, insurance plan is definitely not to be the consequence of the idea's struggling. In Kingdon's Agendas, Alternatives, and General public Policies, he identifies that as" garbage can into which various sorts of problems and alternatives are dumped by participants taken off the scene" (Kingdon, P 85). In a few sense, Deborah Stone's "Struggling of ideas" assumption is more based on a goal-oriented policy making process, in order to make it work, there should be a clear policy goal from all members; while the classical garbage can model is more like a method-oriented coverage making process, it generally does not need a clear goal or solution at the beginning. In the garbage can model, people aren't fighting with each other over ideas in the ultimate solution selecting stage, however it is still correct to state that each solution in the garbage can is because deliberative idea thinking. I believe there's a small difference between Deborah Stone's theory and the garbage can model.

Another coverage theory which doesn't fully regular with Deborah Stone's theory is the incrementalism theory. Corresponding to Lindblom, the incremental policy process is more relied on former existing policies. Relating to this model, the policy environment generally remains secure. Because the incremental character of the plan, the new insurance policy will inherent the insurance plan environment from previous insurance plan, if the former policy has settled the struggling of idea, then you will see less struggling of ideas in the new policies. Since the insurance policy environment is steady, it will be unlikely for all of us to take a position a violently struggle over ideas.

The last policy process theory I want discuss in the framework of "struggling over idea" is the advocacy coalition construction (ACF) theory. The central idea of this theory is that folks or teams with the same beliefs (central/policy/secondary) will form a coalition. I think Sabatier's concept of belief is comparable to Deborah Stone's idea of idea. Especially, I believe the idea of policy notion is playing the role of idea in the plan process. I think his core idea is rooted even deeper than idea. The main opinion will sometimes become unnoticeable. And using the ACF model, we can find out that the plan process is a competition among different coverage beliefs, and I believe this observation is close to Deborah's "struggle over ideas the 'fact of policy making. '". Nonetheless it does not mean that the change in the supplementary perception level is also due to struggling, corresponding to Sabatier's theory, such change is similar to the result of an incremental learning process.

In conclusion, I believe Deborah Stone's discussion is useful for us to understand some insurance plan process. However, by using different ideas we should also notice whether "policy functions are struggle over ideas" should be analyzed in situations. The Punctuated-Equilibrium model, ACF model and Multiple Stream model signify that Deborah's discussion is valid. In the P-E model, the change of existing idea or appearance of new idea provides turbulence to the policy process; in the ACF model, the learning process can change beliefs at different level, and these changes provides feedbacks to the insurance plan process; in the M-S model, insurance plan business people will using the opportunity to propose their ideas, and when critical time is come, the coupled stream will become policy.

Incremental Model shows that policy process is definitely not linked to struggling when the time period of the insurance plan is very short. There may be no have difficulties when the complete policy process is already fixed. However, I think the origins/first insurance policy in the incremental model is because idea battling.

The Garbage Can model shows that the choosing process within the coverage process may appear as a arbitrary process, it isn't actually to be the consequence of the idea battling.

Reference:

Sabatier, Paul A. 1988. "An Advocacy Coalition Platform of Coverage Change and the Role of Policy-Oriented Learning Therein, " Plan Sciences, 21:129-168.

Sabatier, Paul A. (ed. ) 1999. Ideas of the Plan Process. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Sabatier, Paul A. and Hank C. Jenkins-Smith. 1993. Insurance policy Change and Learning: An Advocacy Coalition Way. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Sabatier, Paul A. and Hank C. Jenkins-Smith. 1999. "The Advocacy Coalition Framework: An Evaluation, " In Sabatier, Paul A. (ed. ) Ideas of the Plan Process. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Kingdon, John W. 1995. Agendas, Alternatives, and General public Regulations. 2nd ed. , New

York: HarperCollins.

Zahariadis, Nikolaos. 1999. "Ambiguity, Time, and Multiple Streams, " In Sabatier, Paul A. (ed. ), Ideas of the Coverage Process. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

True, Wayne L. , Bryan D. Jones, and Frank R. Baumgartner. 1999. "Punctuated- Equilibrium Theory: Explaining Balance and Change in American Policymaking, " In Sabatier, Paul A. (ed. ), Ideas of the Policy Process. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Jones, Bryan D. , Frank R. Baumgartner, and Wayne L. True 1998. "Policy Punctuations: U. S. Budget Power, 1947-1995, " The Journal of Politics, 60(1):1-33.

Baumgartner, Frank R. and Bryan D. Jones. 1993. Agendas and Instability in American Politics. Chicago: School of Chicago Press.

Reference:

Kingdon, J. W. (1984) Agendas, Alternatives, and Community Regulations. U. S. A. :

Harper Collins.

Lindblom, C. E. (1959) The technology of muddling through. Community Supervision Review, 14, pp. 79-88.

Cohen, M. , March, J. , & Olson, J. (1972) A garbage can model of organizational choice. Administrative Knowledge Quarterly, 17, pp. 1-25.

March, Wayne and Olsen. (1984) The New Institutionalism: Organizational Factor in Political Life. North american Political Science Review 78. 734-749

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