Posted at 12.19.2018
The relationship between your Insular Celts and the Anglo-Saxons begins in the mid-fifth century AD with the entrance of Anglo-Saxons in the English Isles. Prior to that, Britain was ruled by the Romans for nearly four hundreds of years. In the early part of the fifth century, Romans possessed left Britain abandoning a country that experienced no strong administrative centre which resulted in an overall point out of confusion.
The Anglo-Saxons were actually first asked by the Britons as allies against overseas raiders such as the Picts of Scotland and the Scots. However this alliance was temporary and it was not long before the Anglo-Saxons rebelled against their hosts which resulted in series of hostilities over another few generations. Eventually, the Britons were defeated by Anglo-Saxons who asserted their guideline over almost all of the British Isles.
No contemporary written data of the Anglo-Saxon invasion can be found, so the scholars had to rely on later resources to be able to get information upon this period. Essentially the most influential textual sources available in this context include the De excidio et conquestu Britanniae (written in approx. 500 Advertising) and the Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum (written in approx. 731 Advertisement). From these texts it could be compiled that the inbound Anglo-Saxons in essence performed an ethnic-cleansing by either getting rid of the Britons or travelling them over the sea. Before appearance of new ideas and archeological findings during the 1980s these information of Saxon conquest were taken for granted so that the theory of complete extermination or expulsion of the Celtic people was more or less accepted by all scholars.
Although there were also some written sources which indicated that a considerable range of Britons survived the approaching of the Anglo-Saxons, these sources were for the most part disregarded as they did not participate in the greatly accepted traditional model of 'expulsion and extermination' (or the 'double-X theory' as additionally it is called). However, it is also quite possible that question may have been disregarded consciously up with an extent, since vocabulary and nationality are tightly tied alongside one another and any changes in this framework could have significant implications in the British society.
It is merely within the last century a major change in the clinical analysis of the Adventus Saxonum happened pursuing which it is currently believed that a big portion of the populace of Britain prolonged to have alongside the Anglo-Saxon conquerors. The brand new scientific examination was largely predicated on the few textual options describing the happenings, and moreover, on improvements in archaeological methods and a critical reassessment of other available data.
Accordingly, the scientific consensus shifted from the 'double-X theory' to so called 'elite replacement' theories where it is thought that the Anglo-Saxons simply overran the Post-Roman society 'from the top' in a form of elite take-over. In other words, the Anglo-Saxons substituted the leading constructions within the Celtic populace using their own that was then slowly accompanied by ethnical assimilation of the Celtic people in the following centuries. Today a general consensus on the problem is available where it is assumed that the Britons have constituted a distinguishable ethnic identity before 10th century. In 2002, Markku Filppula reviews on the new clinical developments:
"It seems safe to summarize that the last decade or so has seen us enter a new phase in the history of research on the early Celtic-English contacts: a substantial amount of new research has been undertaken, or is under way, on a wide range of problems within the basic historical and archaeological background to these associates and the linguistic final results in all domains of words. "
As we move forward in history after the amount of assimilation of Celtic people, we will get much more documents on the new associates of British and Celtic languages so are there not as many controversies or debates in this specific context. There continued to be considerable British armed service opposition to the Saxons though in these times. Wales was the longest to carry out and it only came up under English control in time 1282 (this is one of the key reasons why Welsh is still the hottest surviving Celtic language).
The Anglo-Saxon aristocracy emerged to a finish in calendar year 1066 with the function of Norman invasion of England. However the Irish words in Ireland and Scottish Gaelic in Scotland survived this invasion. These dialects came into more robust contact with English afterwards when England brought them under its control. At that time the English dialect was effectively established in Ireland, Scotland, Wales and Cornwall. The subsequent Anglicization of the countries had an enormous influence on these areas, which led to developing of several new types of British that are today called Celtic Englishes given that they display obvious influences of the original languages of the areas.
Of the other occurrences which took place in the English history, it is important to note the introduction of the Vikings. In the 8th century, Viking raiders and settlers had begun to reach on British shores which later resulted in the establishment of the Danelaw, i. e. a location consisting of roughly half of England under the control of the Vikings. The Viking rule lasted for just two centuries after which the British re-established their guideline in these areas. This period is specially important since there are repeated situations today where debates are being held on whether a particular feature of English language may be attributed to a Celtic influence or Old Norse dialect that was spoken in the Danelaw.
In the most recent background, i. e. within the last couple of generations, economic and social pressure led to mass exodus of Celtic people into all elements of the World, particularly following the Industrial Revolution and the subsequent social upheaval. Very large amounts of the populations of the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand are comprised of people with Celtic roots, i. e. whose ancestors were from THE UK, Ireland, Brittany and the Isle of Man.
Today, the Celtic culture remains most obvious in six nations which are commonly associated with a modern Celtic identity. These include, Brittany, Ireland, Scotland, Wales, Cornwall and Isle of Man.
An important part of studying Celtic influence on British is played by archeological conclusions. Until the new reassessments upon this matter which occurred in the 1980s, the archaeological research of early on Anglo-Saxon period was apparently centered on finding evidence for the historical facts which were recorded in written options rather then accomplishing an independent research. Hrke notes that "a circulus vitiosus was set up in which the disciplines confirmed one another by implementing each other's results as underlying assumptions because of their own work" (Hrke 2003:2).
However, recently new information has emerged which shows an increasing opportunity of deeper engagement of Celtic languages in development of British. A few of this evidence is right here.
In her 1999 newspaper, Hildegard Tristram notes that the archeological conclusions from the Adventus Saxonum period portray a number of different settlement patterns in various regions of Britain which is often linked to Celtic or Anglo-Saxon roots. For example, the types of settlements uncovered include kinship settlements, settlements by male war-bands, settlements of individuals and their enthusiasts etc. Additionally, specific variations in arrangement densities of the settlements have been known. The South-East of Britain was resolved most densely by the Anglo-Saxons, whereas their occurrence in the North and the Western of the island was lowest which is indicative of the Celtic occurrence in these areas. Some more evidence for ethnical continuity of the Celtic people sometimes appears in the fact that there appears to have been no change in the routine of land possession after the approaching of the Anglo-Saxons which would further imply the Celtic people continuing to go on for a time frame after the Anglo-Saxon conquest. Summarizing her paper, Tristram argues that "the archaeological data can be interpreted at its simplest as displaying a clean assimilation of both civilizations" (Tristram 1999:12).
Another way of deriving information on the social framework of early Anglo-Saxon Great britain is by contrasting the burial sites. One of the common signals of status differences in the past societies is the total amount and value of goods found in graves. In the Anglo-Saxon archaeology, the quantities of contents found in graves varied but apparently with regards to the ethnicity of the buried.
For example, until the seventh century there have been two different groups of male burials that might be recognized. One group, which consisted of approximately 47% of increased men, is buried with weapons as the remainder is buried without. By examining the graves and skeletons it was figured only the Anglo-Saxon immigrants and their descendants were buried with weapons, while the local Britons were mainly buried without them. This distinction in burial sites ceases to be obvious only on the 7th century, which further means that by that point a large size assimilation of the Celtic people had been completed. Certain large burial sites also display a discontinuity in appearance, which indicates an upgraded of indigenous inhabitants in that particular area. In some other sites, information can be acquired which tips to the likelihood of two independent populations living alongside one another, but with no intermarrying.
The exact volumes for immigrant and indigenous populations remain under question, however since new research is via every area of archaeology (for example the analyses for the amount of forest regrowth after the Roman job, analyses of graves etc. ) it is expected that these figures should have a satisfactory level of accuracy soon. Heinrich Hrke cites recent quotes for the Romano-British inhabitants as varying between 2 and 4 million inhabitants. He points out that there is "less clear, but still persuasive, proof substantial survival of a large indigenous population".
Some more data which argues for the Celtic circumstance is becoming available in the form of genetic analyses. Recent researches of Y-chromosome circulation point out that the Anglo-Saxon contribution to the modern English gene-pool lays between 50% and 100%. If this kind of affect were to be described only with mass immigration and not any other guidelines, scholars have predicted that there had to occur an influx of approx. 500, 000 people into Britain. However, since no motion of this level is documented in the archaeological data, some solution models have been created which would clarify the modern genetic distribution. One of these is given by Thomason:
"an alternative solution explanation would be provided by an apartheid-like situation  where elevated public and economic status grant higher reproductive success to the immigrants when compared to the native people and a amount of postmigration reproductive isolation is preserved among ethnic organizations for several generations".
There is also a concrete data for such a section of Anglo-Saxon cultural structure along ethnic lines. For instance, in the Regulations of Ine we can find significant variations in legal status that contain been allocated to Britons and Anglo-Saxons respectively. Thomason notes that Anglo-Saxons may have probably enforced an apartheid-like public structure as a way of securing political and military services control. Otherwise they might have faced a threat of power reduction and subsequent cultural assimilation into the Celtic people.
The above model also has an explanation for the long period of skeletal distinctiveness since within an apartheid-like system a higher degree of intermarriage between your incomers and the natives is not expected. This differentiation continues that occurs at least until the seventh century, when it's believed that the Celtic people assimilated physical features of the Anglo-Saxons triggering the two groups to become archaeologically indistinguishable. Written options also increase this fact. For instance, no further evidence of any ethnic distinctions are available in the Laws of Alfred the Great (written in approx. 890 AD). Based on each one of these facts, Thomas et al. suppose a maximum of fifteen generations of ethnic section after the coming of the Saxons.
Overall, in regards to the question of Celtic survival of Adventus Saxonum, the historical proof now favors the probability of the 'elite-transmission' through the Anglo-Saxon conquest and the subsequent cultural assimilation rather than a 'clean sweep' theory as assumed recently (and in fact still thought by lots of scholars). Several works proved "that the nineteenth century 'Anglo-Saxonist' ideology of the Germanic racial 'purity' of the Anglo-Saxon society cannot be preserved in the light of recent archaeological research" (Tristram 2004:100). Hrke also notes that the political participation in the question of racial purity enjoyed a significant role and experienced in simple fact prohibited the notion of a Celtic element in the English population.
This kind of politics involvement also mirrored further on English attitudes towards the Celtic Englishes (which were typically seen as impeding economic improvement in the Celtic areas). While the Celtic languages were sometimes accepted to hold a certain visual value, the overall frame of mind in the British contemporary society towards them continued to be negative. Therefore, the prevailing mood of Anglo-Saxonism continued to affect not only how archeological data and sources were interpreted, but also the direction of research. This can account for the rather past due emergence of debate on the probability of any Celtic impact on the British language.
Provided that the new theories are proven appropriate, then there are several hundreds of years of terminology contact and interferences that still need to be accounted for by research workers. Nonetheless, there are several regions of English language in which researchers have identified a great likelihood of a Celtic effect and these will be discussed in the next chapter.
During the progression from Old English to Modern English, lots of changes took place. The British language has changed in its phonology, lexis and lots of morphosyntactic features. More significantly, it includes even modified its type from a man-made words to becoming generally analytical.
The traditional justification for this severe change is related to language-internal developments and additionally to some external influence coming from the Norse languages which were spoken in the Danelaw. A fresh approach suggests that the explanation for the high level of analyticity in English is its contact with the Celtic languages. This theory is mainly based on the fact that English and Welsh talk about a typical development from fabricated to analytic, which places them both apart from the other members with their languages individuals (where such a development is not noticeable).
There are several specific grammatical areas in which this change and Celtic impact becomes evident. Due to limited scope of the work only one such feature will be described while some will be brief listed.
One of the features of English that is commonly mentioned just as one applicant for contact disturbance with Celtic languages is the Cleft word. Although the concentration of phrases in British usually comes in the finish of the word, the words also allows almost all word elements to be fronted. This is usually done for added emphasis. The component to be centered upon is changed to the front, preceded by the conjugated form of 'to be'. The initial examples for this construction result from Old British.
(1) Strike was se Halend te hyne halende.
(2) It had been the saviour who healed him.
Another example is provided by Tristram who identifies clefting as the fronting of your element to become nominal supplement of the copula clause. All of those other proposition then comes after as a member of family clause (Tristram 2002:256):
(4) (ys) mi a'e eirch (Evans 1964:140f)
'(it is) I who ask for her'
In the Old English the cleft construction was quite exceptional but it became more repeated in Middle British. Towards the start of the present day period however, it developed into a recognised feature. The traditional explanation for the surge of clefting in British represents this as a "reflex on the increasing rigidity of word order, stating that it is a particularly powerful feature of dialects with fixed phrase order systems". Some scholars have proposed that there may have also been a French affect on the English emergence of this feature. This however is discarded by Filppula since earliest appearance of the feature in English predates the French ones by several hundreds of years.
If we take a closer check out Celtic dialects we can easily see that clefting has already been one common feature in the earliest Old Irish text messages, seeing from the 8th century, for example:
(3) is combat maithi coiscitir
'it is so that they may be good (that) they are corrected' (Thurneysen 1980:492)
Looking at the data in a little number of surviving texts in Old Welsh as well, it becomes clear that clefting is a feature which is inherent in Brittonic dialects from early on.
Clefting is however not as repeated in non-Celtic local British dialects and informed spoken British. Taking everything into consideration, it becomes clear that clefting is way better developed functionally and has higher frequencies of use in those dialects of English which have possessed the closest contacts with Celtic dialects. Additionally, a glance at a wider Western context also unveils that cleft constructions are not found only in English and the Celtic dialects, but also in People from france, Portuguese, Danish and Swedish that happen to be some other dialects that contain a certain dosage of Celtic effect.
Concerning this distribution of the cleft engineering, Tristram remarks that "it is well worth noting that it is not really a feature limited by English and most likely not original to English" (Tristram 2002:267). Filppula et al. conclude that the prevailing variants in the circulation of cleft constructions in British dialects are indicative of at least a certain amount of influences from the Celtic dialects. However, they do not see them as the one cause, stressing that "any Celtic affects on clefting in English have only reinforced an already existing pattern".
There are several other visible linguistic features which have probably found their way into English vocabulary from Celtic origins. While in most cases there is absolutely no definitive conclusion on roots of any of these features, most of them have varying degrees of probability of having come from Celtic and entirely they form a strong circumstance for such affect. Here is a good example of a few such features:
Genitival organizations - Another feature where the modern English terminology differs significantly from its Germanic cousins is at engineering of group genitives, where in fact the genitive marker is put at the end of an noun phrase instead of the actual possessor noun such as:
(59) He hitched the ruler of England's child. (Allen 1997:112)
Pronouns - In their 2002 paper, Filppula et al. bring attention to a possible Celtic impact on the pronoun system of British. They notice the phonetic similarity of the Old Irish and Manx kinds of the personal pronoun in the 3rd person singular female, si / i: / to the Modern English she. They expect that feature was then disperse via the Norse settlers in the North which would take into account its first attestations in North text messages (Filppula et al. 2002:16f).
Preposition stranding - The English prepositions usually come before their complements, however there are instances where the preposition is remaining stranded by the end of the sentence (hence preposition stranding).
(65) Main clause: We sat down on the rock.
(66) Comparative clause: the rock and roll we sat down on (Isaac 2003:47)
This kind of development is also observed in Welsh, which again makes it a applicant for possible terms contact disturbance. Tristram has an example:
(67) Main clause: Eisteddon ni ar y garreg. (Isaac 2003:48) sat. 1stPl we on the rock
(68) Comparative clause: y garreg eisteddon ni arni (Isaac 2003:48) the rock and roll sat. 1stPl we on-her
Yet another area where Celtic affects may be obvious is Phonology but here too we talk with various opposing views. Not much has been written on contact results in this particular site which is related to the fact that scholars didn't see any significant phonological changes in Old English or in later stages of English that could have been derived through associates with the Celtic dialects. However in recent years, more research has been performed on roots of interdental fricatives and the retroflex /r/ in Present Day British and the results again generally point towards a Celtic effect.
According to most recent studies a number of Celtic loanwords were an integral part of the English vocabulary at least for some time. These loanwords have been getting into English language in a few different stages you start with the contact between Germanic and Celtic dialects during the Bronze and Flat iron Ages. Over time several have been expunged from English however, many have survived.
With the entrance of the Saxons we see a number of British words which are introduced in to the Old British:
It is notable that a huge number of British isles loanwords were from the semantic field of military and warfare, however very few of the have found their way in to the Present Day British. Examples of such words that remain in use today include ass, bin, crag, coombe and hog.
Moving forward into the Middle English period, we find several words with Welsh and Cornish origins:
Probably the main loanword from Welsh is baban that is today found both as babe and baby (these two words have also been introduced to numerous other languages throughout the world).
There are several instances where Celtic words found their way into CURRENT British via another language. French words dolmen and menhir became part of British however there were both actually Celtic words. Another example is the term ambassador which showed up via the French ambassadeur from Latin ambactus which in turn came from Celtic *ambaktos (which means a 'follower'). The word bitumen came from Latin littlemen which in turn originated from Celtic *betu. The word budget comes from French bougette (this means a 'small sack') as the source for this word is the Gaulish *bulg. Here are some other Gaulish words which survived in French and were also bought out into English:
The change is also true, i. e. some words from other languages found their way into English via Celtic languages. For example from Irish emerged ancor (which came from Old Irish anchara which is dependant on Latin anachoreta) and cros (which came from Old Irish combination based on Latin crux). The Latin Fontana was altered into British funta via the Celtic. The term clan is originally Latin (despite its via Gaelic clan).
Since a great deal of research is yet to be completed in this field (as well as scheduled to continuing debates on the topic) there is absolutely no a single way to obtain Celtic loanwords at the moment which can be taken as a total reference. It really is interesting however that the next release of the Oxford English Dictionary lists 549 entries with Celtic etymology (Klemola 2003:4). While it is suspected that this amount should be much greater there remains the challenge of such loanwords still not being identified (probably anticipated to a certain 'inherited' bias and prejudice on the side of experts as well as the prevailing historical theory on the Adventus Saxonum which lasted for a long time and was only re-evaluated recently). This was mentioned explicitly by Filppula et al. at an 1994 colloquium:
"An additional parallel exists by means of under-reporting Celtic loanwords in the English lexicographical tradition.  Nevertheless, it is clear if you ask me that, for a mixture of reasons (primarily ignorance and ideological bias) there are content that could be added to the list of recognized Celtic loans in English, but which currently seem as 'of uncertain origin' or similar. "
In respect to the editors of the Oxford British Dictionary and their dismissal of possible Celtic etymologies, Filppula continues on to state:
"in many cases their judgement has been based on some preconceived idea about the impossibility of such borrowing, instead of being predicated on comparative and historical research" (Filppula 2003:165).
The Oxford British Dictionary of course remains one of the central places for research on English dialect and it is revised regularly to include new British words as well concerning provide posts on new conclusions related to old words. So that it will be of great interest to see how it will continue to develop in the light of new ideas and findings in the area of Celtic affects on English.
English place-names constitute taking care of of Celtic affect on the English language which there are no disagreements among scholars. Towns such as London, York, Dover, Kent, Lincoln etc. as well as streams such as the Avon, Thames, Yare etc. all owe their names to Celtic roots. The place-names are specially interesting to analysts since a lot of information can be compiled from them. They mainly provide information about the prior inhabitants of a particular area but they also allow conclusions to be used regard to the seeing of their access in a vocabulary from which additional information will then be inferred.
In basic, place-names do not go through many changes with the duration of time. However, there's also circumstances wherein the place-names have been unveiled and assimilated into the new terms so completely that their original form is no longer recognizable. Thus we will come across some place-names that appear to be of Celtic origins bur are in fact predicated on pre-Celtic elements. Similarly, there are some place-names that seem to be British but were actually taken over from British and restructured to match the new words. An example because of this kind of assimilation is the English town of Leatherhead which came from the Celtic form *L"dr d (this means 'grey ford').
We will get a number of British place-names which were created by using both Celtic and Anglo-Saxon elements. For instance, bre and pen, which are two Celtic words for 'hill', are frequently used in a number of place-names. Here are some examples:
combination of bre and Old British hyll
combination of Celtic bre and dun
combination of Celtic bre and Old English wudu
combination of Celtic pen and sachson
The last place-name in above list means "hill of the Anglo-Saxons" and is indicative of the proximity in which Celtic people probably lived with Anglo-Saxons but also of the visible isolation as observed earlier in this paper.
Another well known feature in place-names is the use of combe and tor. Combe comes from the Celtic phrase kumb, which means 'valley', and which was used into Old British. The term tor, this means 'rock and roll' is employed in conjunction with the names of granite peaks in Dartmoor and Bodmin Moor areas, for example Hay Tor, Hound Tor etc. Tor is also apparent in the name of the coastal town Torquay.
The field of personal labels is another area where there are practically no contentions on the list of analysts of Celtic influences in English. The available documentation provides ample information to support sourcing of several names in CURRENT British to Celtic roots. A number of Celtic names appear even in the royal genealogies of Wessex. These brands get started with a Celtic name Cerdic even though many other labels contain for example Cadda or Ceadwalla.
In his 1921 research F¶rster identifies more than 130 common English names that have a Celtic source, for example Dewey, Yarnal, Merrick, Onions, Vowles and so forth. Today, their incident has spread all around the British speaking areas and there's a continued international reputation of Celtic personal titles such as Arthur, Alan, Brian, Bruce, Conan, Kevin etc. , although most people do not realize that their brands have Celtic roots.
Since the question of Celtic affect in English is a topic which spans numerous disciplines and years of research functions by numerous scholars I think that this paper only skims the top of this issue. However I am hoping to have been successful in my aim to present the audience with the most primary facts as well as issues experienced in this field. For individuals who are interested to learn more, I would suggest a publication by Markku Filppula, Juhani Klemola and Heli Paulasto entitled English and Celtic in Contact which provides an extremely deep perception into this theme and features numerous and specific historical and linguistic analyses.
The thesis provides an summary of Celtic language effect in CURRENT English. The degree of this effect is generally related to the question of the survival of Celtic people through the first stages of Anglo-Saxon invasion of British isles Isles. While it was for some time assumed that the Celtic people were practically eradicated during this period, new ideas have appeared in recent times which declare that Celtic people survived the invasion in significant figures and continued to reside alongside the Anglo-Saxon conquerors for at least two generations before being assimilated into the new culture. The new theories are based on emerging archaeological data as well as developments in various medical disciplines. Within the light of these new theories, the existing notions of the linguistic influence of Celtic dialect on English have also become re-evaluated. As increasingly more new facts is gathered, there's a growing possibility that Celtic terminology played a much more important role in development of British then recently thought.
Ovaj zavrni rad daje uvod u utjecaje keltskog jezika na dananji standardni engleski jezik. Razina ovakvog utjecaja je prvenstveno vezana za pitanje vjerojatnosti preivljavanja keltskog naroda u vrijeme rane faze anglosaksonske invazije britanskog otoja. Dugo vremena se vjerovalo da je keltski narod bio u potpunosti iskorijenjen u ovom periodu ali nedavno su niknule i nove teorije koje tvrde da su Kelti preivjeli invaziju u znatnim brojevima te da su nastavili ivjeti pokraj svojih osvajaa najmanje dva stoljea nakon ega su bili asimilirani u novu kulturu. Ove nove teorije se zasnivaju na novim arheolokim otkriima kao i dananjim napretcima u raznim znanstvenim disciplinama. U svjetlu ovih novih teorija morala su se preispitati i postojea stanovita o moguim jezinim utjecajima keltskog jezika na engleski. Otkrivanjem sve vie novog dokaznog materijala nastaje sve vea vjerojatnost da je keltski jezik odigrao mnogo veu ulogu u razvoju engleskog jezika nego to se prije mislilo.
Markku Filppula, Juhani Klemola, and Heli Paulasto. English and Celtic connected. Oxon: Routledge, 2008.
Tristram, Hildegard L. C. How Celtic is Standard British. St. Petersburg: Nauka, 1999.
Klemola, Juhani. Celtic Loanwords in English. Paper circulated at the 12th International
Congress of Celtic Studies, University of Wales, Aberystwyth, 2003.
Hrke, Heinrich. The Peopling of Britain - The shaping of any Human Panorama. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002